Helping Americans Defend Themselves:

The State Defense Force Improvement Act of 2003

By John E Stone (VA) President, U.S. Freedom Foundation and SGAUS Member


America's most cost-effective military reserve force is now on the Congressional agenda for the first time since 1987, thanks to freshmen U.S. Representatives Joe Wilson (R-SC) and Lincoln Davis (D-TN). The State Defense Force Improvement Act of 2003, HR 2797, seeks to provide solid and indisputable federal recognition of the role that State Defense Forces should play in homeland security as the reserve to the National Guard, and as supplemental military resources for the states.

The bill has a simple and straightforward goal – the congressional direction that these military reserves can and should be fully incorporated into the nation's overall homeland defense strategy at both the federal and state level, and available to support local, state and federal agencies as needed at the call of their respective governors.

There are certainly a host of other improvements that should be made within the current state defense force structure. But what we learned over the last 18 months in developing this legislation is that this single need – official congressional direction – is the necessary legal cornerstone for all other reforms. If we succeed in seeing theWilson-Davis bill passed into law, we may find we don't need additional federal measures to fully integrate and expand defense forces. 

Further, even if we do still have legislative needs, we won’t know what they are until after using this first real chance to actively work with various state and federal agencies as unquestioned partners.

The main initial objection encountered when discussing this pending legislation with DOD agencies was a belief that no legislation is necessary. In the eyes of the Pentagon, since Congress revised the present state defense force structure in 1958 to exist entirely under state control, the states could do anything they pleased with their reserves, with no DOD or Congressional input or approval required. Therefore DOD's unofficial position was simply "hands-off." With the near total lack of congressional direction for DOD involvement with defense forces, that position, while over-cautious, is not legally imprudent.

But as defense force supporters know all to well, "hands-off" also translates into a near total inability to incorporate the capabilities of defense forces into federal-state homeland security missions, or procure even the most rudimentary supplies, uniforms, or equipment through established channels that are open to scores of even non-military volunteer organizations.

This hasn't always been the case. During World War II, the War Department directly provided rifles, ammunition, uniforms and equipment for up to 100,000 state guardsmen, who assumed the duties of deployed national guardsmen. The state guards received mostly World War I vintage Enfield rifles and helmets, but that's all that was necessary for the majority of the constabulary duties they were assigned. The 2003 equivalent would be surplus Vietnam-era steel pot helmets and M-14's, in lieu of Kevlar and M-16's.

Nor is a "hands-off" policy universally held within DOD today. In a Joint Forces Staff College Joint and Combined Warfighting School research paper, "Forces for NORTHCOM and Homeland Security?" published in March, LTC Arthur N. Tulák, USA, LCDR R. W. Kraft, USN, and MAJ Don Silbaugh, USAF accurately identify state defense forces as "the third tier of military forces", with federal-only troops being first (active and reserve components), joint federal-state troops second (the National Guard), and state-only troops third – the state defense forces.

Tulák, Kraft and Silbaugh also point to the active service of SDF's nationwide over the past two decades, noting that "SDF's have been called to state active duty in support of several disaster/terrorist attack responses, including the following: 1980 – Winter Olympics at Lake Placid (New York Naval Militia); 1989 – Exxon Valdez oil spill recovery operation (Alaska Naval Militia); 1996 – winter storms (New York Guard, Virginia State defense Force, Oregon State Defense Force and Maryland Defense Force); 2001 – World Trade Center terrorist attack (New York Guard, Naval Militia, and New Jersey Naval Militia)." 

The authors single out the 9-11 military service of state troops as proof-positive of the homeland defense capabilities these forces bring to America's overall military forces. "The example of New Jersey Naval Militia actions in response to the World Trade Center attacks superbly demonstrates how several SDFs are already integrated into the consequence management aspects of HLS. In response to the attacks, the New Jersey Naval Militia's Disaster Medical Assistance Team and Chaplain Corps were both mobilized at Staten Island, New York, to assist survivors and rescue workers in support of Task Force Respect and a unit of Naval Guardsman was also mobilized to assist the FBI and National Guard with evidence collection at Staten Island. Naval Militia were also activated to participate in Operation NOBLE EAGLE, where the Naval Guardsman provided 24-hour staffing for the New Jersey National Guard's joint Operations Center at Fort Dix, New Jersey; provided boat crews to support the rescue and recovery efforts in New York City with ferry services across the Hudson River; provided waterborne security that allowed for the opening of the George Washington Bridge; augmented the U.S. Navy's waterborne security forces at U.S. Naval Weapons Station Earle with boats crewed by Naval Militia sailors, who performed picket boat duty to patrol the U.S. Navy's security zone to protect U.S. Navy and U. S. Coast Guard Ships while loading munitions; relieved State Marine Police crews; and provided waterborne security for New Jersey's nuclear power plants."

Not to be out done by NORTHCOM, the U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute's LTC Brent C. Bankus wrote in depth earlier this year of the World War II history of the Pennsylvania State Guard. Bankus described the Guard's wartime service as exemplary, and an important precedent to consider in America's current homeland security challenge. "With the new menace of Terrorism and the likelihood of increased overseas campaigns for our active and reserve forces, the organization and utilization of SFD forces for their traditional role of internal state security missions is certainly worth further study. In about half the states and some territories there are SDF units operating with little fanfare, on a "shoestring budget," accomplishing many of the same missions as those of their predecessors for World War I, World War II, the Korean War and the most recent crisis, the attacks on the homeland. The foundation for a useful homeland defense force is already in place, so why not expand on it?"

The bill begins the process of expansion with six basic steps:

1. Official congressional recognition of state defense forces as in integral military component of America's homeland defense.

2. Total voluntary compliance by the states and DOD with the guidance provided in the Act, to ensure that the states retain ultimate control of their reserve forces, and that DOD is protected from distraction from their greater warfighting responsibility.

3. States without existing defense forces are encouraged to authorize forces and states with forces are encouraged to improve them. While this may seem a matter of trivial semantics, it is a major federal policy step forward from current Title 32 language of "states may" – a somewhat grudging compromise to objections over the federalization of our current National Guard during the 20th Century – to actual congressional endorsement and encouragement of state military reserves for the 21st century.

4. State Defense Force training compliance and coordinating with DOD standards meets the "hands-off" issue head-on. For state defense forces to support the National Guard effectively, they must comply with every mission-consistent training and certification standard of DOD. That has proven impossible while DOD maintains a "hands-off" policy, and while wide variances exist between the various defense forces as to training, certification and rank. This section will provide both a tremendous opportunity and challenge for defense forces to overcome the legitimate force readiness concerns of DOD and skeptical Adjutants General in states without existing reserves.

5. Increased access to surplus federal equipment through DOD authorization to determine reasonable access regulations for defense forces. This section will likely be one of the most challenging to implement. DOD sources report on actual willingness to open up direct access, but face a myriad of varying state surplus disbursement regulations that could conflict with a DOD access policy for defense forces. Nevertheless, DOD is given a congressional nudge to get started, and defense force leadership will need to put a legislative shoulder to the wheel in quickly and accurately reporting requirements and conditions in their state to NGB through their Adjutant General in order to move this proposal forward.

6. DOD protection for direct or indirect liability and costs ensures that DOD is held blameless for any and all damages incurred by state defense forces. All coordination and assistance costs are to be borne by the states, as a condition for DOD assistance. This should end any lingering budgetary concerns of DOD, but still leaves open similar concerns of State Adjutants General over their state budgets and liability.

Longtime supporters of the state defense force concept will undoubtedly note that if the Department of Defense, Governor, State Adjutant General, or State Director of Homeland Security chooses not to initiate, expand, or improve a force, there are no mandates forcing them to do so. But unlike the present situation, there will no longer be any doubt that the initiation, improvement, and expansion of these forces is the precise intent of Congress under Title 32, and that the Department of Defense is authorized and encouraged by federal law to see that this intent is brought to fruition.

If we do see the bill passed into law, that's when the real work begins. As part of the feedback process on this legislation, we've learned that not only do state defense forces have need of DOD assistance, DOD and our State Adjutants have need of defense force help:

1. Compliance with NGB Readiness Reports: An accurate and uniform registry of defense force personnel numbers, training certification, equipment, arms status, and deployment capabilities. 

2. Uniform physical standards requirements: how many troops meet the Army Physical Fitness Test; how may troops meet neither but are nevertheless fully capable of performing administrative duties?

3. State legislative clarification that defense force activities cannot result in unfounded liability exposure for state military departments.

4. State legislative action ensuring that defense force funding cannot detract from National Guard funding proper, nor should defense forces ever compare with state National Guard funding or missions, and expansion of funding sources for state defense forces outside DOD and state military department budgets.

5. State legislative clarification on liability protection and credentialing requirements of professionals such as physicians, attorneys, electricians, and engineers while serving in state defense forces, or while assigned to National Guard units on state active duty.

6. Consideration of future federal legislative clarification of whether state defense forces should also be recognized as organized militia under Title 10, as are naval militias.

7. Consideration of codification of NGB regulatory status as official federal agency for defense forces.

8. Improvement of federal agency capabilities to assist and coordinate defense forces.

9. Development and adoption of uniform training and rank procedures, to ensure that a given soldier from one state has the identical and jointly recognized qualifications as a peer in another, and that both meet mission-consistent National Guard standards for their MOS and rank.

There is a lot of work to be done to enact the State Defense Force Improvement Act of 2003 before this Congress adjourns for good in the fall of 2004, and a great deal of work afterwards to ensure the bill's promise becomes reality.

But it's a job well-worth doing. There is no other proposal on the table that can provide 250,000 troops specifically tasked with homeland security at no additional cost to the federal budget.

There is no other structure that can provide the troop assignment flexibility for homeland defense coordination between the Department of Defense, the Department of Homeland Security, state National Guard and Military Departments, state-level Homeland Security Departments, FEMA and its state equivalents, and a host of other agencies at all levels of government. State Defense Forces are the one military force available that can be assigned by their Governor to wherever they are most needed, in total coordination with deferral efforts.

It is a revival of the historic principle of Americans taking responsibility for defending themselves through voluntary military service at the local level, a concept that has come full circle since the tragic events of September 11, 2001. And it is a concept that demands immediate action if we are to firmly secure our homeland against future attack.